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By Edited by G. Kasianov and P. Ther

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Similarly, the histories of nations and nation-states do not cease to exist when they are occupied by a foreign power, however defined and perceived. Instead, much like individual biographies, those countries’ already complex histories take on new layers of complexity as they are interwoven with and interposed into the equally complex histories of a second (or, in some cases, third) country. To come back to our country of interest, Ukraine, it is important to recognize that it does have a distinctive set of pasts, and that even when Ukrainian state sovereignty has been ruptured by outside powers, the ways in which Ukrainian lands, institutions and populations interacted with the new authorities were also part of that distinctiveness.

Geschichte. Sprache und Literatur. Kultur. Politik. Bildung. Wirtschaft. Recht, eds. Peter Jordan, Andreas Kappeler, Walter Lukan and Josef Vogl (Vienna, 2000). 18 See Dieter Pohl, Nationalsozialistische Judenverfolgung in Ostgalizien 1941–1944. Organisation und Durchführung eines staatlichen Massenverbrechens (Munich, 1996). 19 See Philipp Ther’s provocative suggestion to rethink much of German history as imperial in his article “Imperial Instead of National History: Positioning Modern German History on the Map of European Empires,” in Imperial Rule, eds.

Several fascinating projects have taken advantage of Ukraine’s historic divisions and rival pulls between two or more empires or states to explore comparative history by focusing on regions. Still, many Ukrainians resist “borderland” approaches because they presume that Ukraine is conceived as a borderland of some outside power and thus not in control of its own destiny. 31 Furthermore, a country perennially preoccupied with trying to create a national unit out of disparate regions has to confront the diverse imperi- Ukrajna I:Ideologies minta 32 10/21/08 5:08 PM Page 32 Mark von Hagen al and other (temporary) occupation histories that have shaped those regional differences.

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